South West Entry Into Nigerian Mainstream Politics—Tunde Adeniran

The goal of the dialectic process is perfection: it aims at the perfect attainment of all the virtues embodied in it. There are stages, epochs, and eras in the dialectic procession. Every stage that is reached is termed thesis. But since such a stage falls short of perfection, the dialectic, of its own volition,calls into being a movement designed to remove the prevailing imperfection. This counter-movement is called the antithesis.

With the emergence of the antithesis, a war of attrition between the thesis and the antithesis begin. At first, the waging of this war is imperceptible: then, it becomes fairly obvious that such a war is in progress; and then, in the end a sudden explosion occurs in which both the thesis and antithesis, in their original forms, disappear, and the synthesis appears which embodies the best in both, but with the best in the antithesis being the dominant feature of the synthesis. For a while the dialectic process comes to a temporary halt: ‘ the antithesis is in abeyance’. But in the course of time, the dialectic procession resumes its forward march, because perfection is not yet reached at the commencement of this renewed march, the synthesis becomes the thesis which in turn calls forth its own antithesis.

The profound thoughts of Papa Obafemi Awolowo are not usually easily reducible to simplistic explication. But let the common understanding–or the ordinary interpretation–suffice. We take the thesis to be the political reality of ethnic prejudice and exploitation, the deprivation and marginalisation of some groups–including the Yoruba–and the caging of whichever political party they control for purposes of political mobilisation and aspiration to govern.

The antithesis is the reaction, a calculated struggle to counter Yoruba suffocation or estrangement within the dialectics of Nigerian politics while the synthesis is some form of ethnic equalitarianism through party political fusion and diffusion resulting in the modulated emergence of what is about the best for what is best for all. Put differently, the synthesis is the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the rather imperfect culmination of the thesis represented by the June 12 (1993) episode and all that went before it which it climaxed as a watershed, while the beginnings of an antithesis are to be located in struggles and developments within the PDP toward perfection.

For the South-West, my contention is that the vision was to create a nation out of the political space called Nigeria. That nation would be characterised by new core values for the citizens, provide a definite and definable compass that guide all Nigerians within a constitutional framework that guarantees full human rights, democratic choice occasioned by the holding of regular, free and fair elections and the rule of law. It also envisioned due respect to civil and political liberties and strict maintenance of checks and balances between and among the various institutions of government.

Moreover, there was the expectation that our relative decline would be halted, our resources and capabilities maximised within a truly federal structure, and our credibility and avowed cultural, socio-economic and political accomplishment and possibilities demonstrated.

It would be presumptuous, if not fraudulent, to suggest that the quest for mainstreaming of the Yoruba started with the founding of the PDP. We could identify four stages before the PDP phenomenon. Herbert Heelas Macaulay was the one who started it all. Herbert Macaulay was hand-in-glove with his associate—Nnamdi Azikiwe—in striving to integrate the people and politics of Nigeria. Using the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons, NCNC, as his platform, the charismatic Macaulay with his unusual moustache, intelligence and fearlessness was uncompromising as a nationalist and died a hero of Nigerian nationalism and the doyen of Nigerian politics.

Next were the Nigerian National Democratic Party, NNDP/Nigerian National Alliance, NNA, championed in the South West by such prominent leaders as Chief S. L. Akintola, Chief Remi Femi-Kayode and Chief Richard Akinjide and the United Progressive Grand Alliance, UPGA, whose key leaders included Alhaji D. S. Adegbenro, Chief Adeniran Ogunsanya and Chief Bola Ige. Motivated by similar concerns but inspired by different orientations and conflicting approaches, they all sought to promote the interests of our people at the federal level.

There were also the Second Republic politicians of different political leanings. By their official party constitutions and agenda, they were presumably on missions of national integration and the realisation of group interests for every part of Nigeria. And during the Third Republic, not only was there a deliberate institutionalisation of a two-party system within which interests of all were to be aggregated, articulated and promoted, the experiment was preceded by the projection–under General Ibrahim Babangida–of some of the South West’s leading lights and best representatives on the national stage. In Nigeria, we were thrown into a valley of humiliation under the Sani Abacha regime.

Besieged by some baffling social pathologies and political realities of a dysfunctional society, concerned citizens across Nigeria intensified the search for solution to the bestial regression to autocracy which followed the incarceration of Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola and the hunting of those putting up principled defiance and structured opposition to the Abacha regime.

Meanwhile, the Campaign for Democracy, CD, which had since the annulment of the June 12 election been working for its actualisation–under Dr. Beko Ransome-Kuti–was expanding contacts within the human rights community. Alao Aka-Bashorun’s Democratic Alternative with its many affiliates, Egbe Afenifere under the leadership of Chief Adekunle Ajasin, the Eastern Mandate Union, EMU, led by Chief Arthur Nwankwo, Prof. Wole Soyinka’s National Liberation Council of Nigeria, NALICON, Chief Anthony Enahoro’s Movement for National Reformation, MNR, some members of the Egbe Ilosiwaju as well as those of the Council of Unity and Understanding, CUU, and a few others amalgamated into the National Democratic Coalition, NADECO,which openly and consistently opposed the Abacha regime at home and abroad to the very end.

While members of the NADECO did not participate in the political process which featured the five parties formed during the Abacha period, some members of Network for Democracy and the New Dimension were involved in some of the parties. The involvement provided a window of opportunity for grassroots contacts and mobilisation, the cheering of morale and the spreading of a new liberal philosophy of democratic evolution and transformation in spite of Abacha’s deadly rule and threat to democracy. By the time General Sanni Abacha himself expired and his rule was terminated in June 1998, it was easier for associations with political structures on the ground to take advantage of General Abdulsalami Abubakar’s 1998/99 democratic transition programme.

General Sani Abacha’s self-succession plan, a programmed transformation from military rulership to civilian presidency without any formal election, had worsened the credibility problems of the parties formed during his regime.

It was a group of northern democrats and patriots from within the ICS that signed the historic and inspiring G-18 letter, under the joint leadership of Malam Ciroma, Chief Lar and Alhaji Rimi that publicly opposed Abacha and all he stood for. Seventeen out of the former G-18 signatories were joined by an additional 17 to make the famous G-34 and it included Chief Bola Ige, Dr. Tunji Otegbeye, Chief Olaniwun Ajayi, Alhaji G. O. Dawodu and Chief Omowale Kuye. This led to the detention of Chief Ige, Chief Falae, Alhaji Rimi and Malam Lamido, among others, who were not released until the emergence of General Abdusalami Abubakar’s regime on 9 June 1998.

By the time General Abubakar addressed the nation on 20 July, 1998 through which he released all political detainees, renewed an earlier commitment to human rights and the rule of law, dissolved the existing political parties and Transition agencies, and offered Nigerians the freedom to form political parties without any hindrance, there had been two significant developments. Painfully, Bashorun M.K.O. Abiola who won the June 12, 1993 Presidential election had died in detention on 7 July 1998, throwing the nation into a state of deep shock, agony and confusion. Secondly, the G-34 had emerged as the leading democratic political force in the land and had become engaged in dialogue and negotiations with the Abubakar regime on the path to national reconciliation and transition to democratic rule.

Credit for the attempt at forming a national and formidable political association that would translate into a major political party is due to the inspiration of the G-34 and the collaboration of former All Nigeria Congress (ANC), the People’s Consultative Forum (PCF), the Social Progressive Party (SPP) and the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM). They met in Abuja on Tuesday 28 July 1998 and issued a communiqué declaring their intention to form such an association and alerted others to their determination to broaden the base of the foundation members. At the following meeting of 13 August 1998 which was held in Lagos, the issues of power shift, power sharing and rotational presidency were discussed and power shift to the South was endorsed in principle.

During the public declaration of 19 August more than 100 political associations participated in spite of efforts to scale down the number! By the time a restructured Steering Committee met at the Muson Centre in Lagos on 26 August 1998, representatives of the PCF had withdrawn further participation on the suspicion that “the party being formed may have been hijacked”. While making efforts to bring back the PCF, the Steering Committee nevertheless concluded more partnership arrangements with such associations as New Era Alliance, League for Good Governance, National Centre Party, All Peoples Alliance, etc and adopted Peoples Democratic Party as the name of the party out of the fifteen proposed. That paved way for the launching of the party on Monday 31 August 1998.

At what point did the South West come into the PDP? Many of us had been involved singly and severally as members of the various associations before the founding of the party, as part of its conception. One of the many attractions of the PDP was the zoning of the presidency to the South. To us in the South West PDP, it was not negotiable but then it would not come to us on a platter of gold. We had to work very hard for it.

It was a rather tough challenge navigating the turbulent political landscape and contracting distemper at various levels. But then we knocked at history’s gate and it opened widely. A son of the South West won the presidential election with support from other zones beyond what was imaginable. President Obasanjo took over the mantle of leadership with great zeal and enthusiasm, ready to sacrifice private rights for public responsibilities. The common refrain now is that the South West has not only been integrated into Nigeria in terms of power politics but has dominated it for two terms of four years each.

It is time to wake up and support President Umar Yar’Adua’s Seven-Point Agenda and challenge the Federal Government with initiatives in development. In a multi-ethnic society with complex dynamics and multiple deformities, group attainment of goals or success and the future belong to those who plan and dare, converting their visions to reality through appropriate strategies. If we are not effectively involved at the federal centre there is no way our interests there could be fully protected. We have to work closely with our compatriots from other zones of the federation on the basis of trust and common interest, noting that the era of mutual exchange of vitriol is gone.

As Yorubas we can look back to the past and identify the model of successful political leadership by a party; and how it can engender mass followership. We are already in the mainstream. However, I understand the often unspoken anxiety of many people that, given the current thinking and mood of the nation on rotation of the Presidency, it may yet be some time before a Yoruba person will be privileged to occupy the highest office and exercise power in the land. But for whatever period of time that may be our major challenge should be how to avoid political marginalisation of not only the Yorubas but of other groups that would from time to time join us in being out of contention for national leadership. We can do this if we subscribe to such values and practice that will ensure that the government at the centre is fair to all, remains an enabler of development and not a dabbler into matters that strictly belong to local communities that must be allowed to uplift themselves and zone to self determine; in short, if we promote true federalism. We must reject the notion that belonging to the mainstream will simply mean being where positions and power are shared - even when these are not being used to advance the Yoruba cause and lead the Nigerian nation to a higher destiny.